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nsurgency
in Meghalaya started as a movement against the domination
of the ‘dkhars’ (outsiders). The Hynniewtrep
Achik Liberation Council (HALC) represented the interests
of the dominant tribes of the State, the Khasis, Jaintias
and the Garos. However, tribal differences led to a
split in the HALC in 1992 into the Hynniewtrep National
Liberation Council (HNLC), representing the Khasis and
the Jaintias, and the Achik Matgrik Liberation Army
(AMLA) representing the Garos. The AMLA subsequently
passed into oblivion to be replaced by the Achik National
Volunteers Council (ANVC). Whereas the HNLC aims at
converting Meghalaya “as a province exclusively
for the Khasi tribe and free it from ‘domination’
by the Garo tribe”, the ANVC’s purported
objective is to “carve out a homeland called ‘Achik
Land’ in the areas of Garo Hills.” Both
outfits entered into strategic alliance with other groups
like the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), the
National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM)
and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB),
in return for allowing them safe passage as well as
providing them with safe houses in the hilly terrains
of the State. HNLC’s activities were restricted
to the Khasi hills and several of its attacks took place
in the State capital Shillong. On successive years,
it called for boycott of the Independence Day celebrations
on August 15 and its diktats had good impact on the
people. Similarly, in Garo Hills, the ANVC held sway.
Sustained counter-insurgency operations, over the years,
weakened both the outfits. Since July 23, 2004, the
ANVC is under an extended ceasefire agreement with the
government. Still, extortion in the West Khasi Hills,
East Garo Hills and South Garo Hills districts is being
carried out by the group. The militants of ANVC have
established a finance-sharing understanding with the
NSCN-IM targeting the coal belt areas of West Khasi
Hills and East Garo Hill. Both ANVC and NSCN-IM are
using newly formed militant outfits, like the Atong
Liberation Army (ALA) in South Garo Hills, and Achik
National Security Defence (ANSD) in West Khasi Hills,
to maintain extortion drives in the coal-belt areas.
However, HNLC’s top leadership, based in Bangladesh,
continue to resist any type of peace deals. Many of
its cadres, however, have either been arrested or have
surrendered. While its top leadership continues to be
based in Bangladesh, the outfit has been rendered incapable
of orchestrating attacks. It received further setback
with the July 24, 2007 surrender of the outfit’s
chairman Julius Dorphang. He, along with four other
militants left the outfit’s camp in Bangladesh’s
Maulvi Bazar district and surrendered to the authorities
in Shillong.
Tough counter-insurgency operations and deterioration
in its cadre strength have led HNLC to join hands with
the National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT), with
which it now runs an extortion network in the West Khasi
Hills. The HNLC has also renewed its alliance with the
NSCN-IM, particularly to retain control over HNLC cadres
on the verge of surrender.
Following the ceasefire agreement between the government
and the ANVC and the subsequent confinement of the ANVC
cadres in the designated camps, Garo Hills of Meghalaya
has been peaceful. Since 2004, taking advantage of the
vacuum left open by the ANVC, several small outfits
emerged and disappeared in quick succession. Prominent
among them were the Retrieval Indigenous Unified Front
(RIUF), United A'chik National Front (UANF), Hajong
United Liberation Army (HULA) etc. Similarly, the Hynniewtrep
National Special Red Army (HNSRA) started operations
in the Khasi Hills area. In early 2006, the Liberation
Achik Elite Force (LAEF) was formed by a former police
commando, Peter Marak. The outfit, which is known to
have linkages with the National Socialist Council of
Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K), has been involved in few
incidents in the Garo hills area. LAEF also maintains
linkages with the NSCN-IM and ULFA.
Police operations against the LAEF met with a strategic
success with the arrest of the outfit’s chairman
Peter Marak and two of his accomplices from a place
between Jorabat and Khanapara near Assam capital Dispur
on August 21, 2007. On December 7, 2008, LAEF suffered
a setback with the killing of its 'commander-in-chief',
Kimrey K. Sangma, during an encounter with security
forces at Damit village near Shahlang in the West Khasi
Hills district. Earlier, on July 1, 2008, Police recovered
the dead body of the then 'commander-in-chief' of the
outfit, Nicheng Sangma alias Daria Sangma. He was killed
during an intra-outfit clash at Parasin in the East
Garo Hills district.
On November 18, 2008 nine senior LAEF cadres, including
an 'area commander' were arrested from a newly set up
camp at Kadambari in the Ri-Bhoi district along Meghalaya-Assam
border. In 2008, a total of 23 LAEF militants were arrested
and two surrendered to the security forces.
Between 1992 and 2009 (till July), at least 383 insurgency
related fatalities were recorded in Meghalaya. The militancy
related fatalities have been showing a continuously
diminishing trend since 2003. From 79 fatalities in
2003, the number reduced to 12 in 2008. There was no
civilian fatality in 2008 (Source: www.satp.org). According
to police records, a total of 105 militants were neutralized
in the state in 2008. Of these, 78 were arrested, 15
surrendered and 11 others were killed.
Meghalaya continues to provide transit passage to groups
like the ULFA in their journey between Bangladesh and
Assam. The outfit is known to have set up safe houses
in the Garo hills region and often stores arms and ammunition
in the area. Further, Meghalaya’s Block-I and
Block-II areas adjoining Assam have witnessed extortion
activities by outfits such as the United People’s
Democratic Solidarity (UPDS). Again, Pakistan's external
intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence
(ISI), is also reported to be consolidating its network
in Meghalaya. The state capital Shillong is becoming
a hub for trading of illegal small arms and explosives,
which are brought through the Garo hills or Mizoram.
The Church has played a crucial role towards peace
in Meghalaya. While the Shillong Khasi Jaintia Church
Leaders Forum was officially designated as the negotiator
with the HNLC, the Garo Baptist Convention was instrumental
in bringing the ANVC to the peace talks. In 2003, individuals
like Garo politician and former speaker of the Lok Sabha
P A Sangma offered to mediate between the State and
the ANVC. However, the proposal was not acceptable to
the state government. Similarly, in the same year, Mizoram
Chief Minister Zoramthanga offered to negotiate with
the State. His proposal was rejected by the state government
which said that it will not allow any back door negotiation.
ANVC signed an extended tripartite ceasefire agreement
with the Central and the state Government on July 23,
2004. The HNLC had come close to starting a peace process
with the state government in 2006. In the last week
of April 2006, the HNLC chairman Dorphang requested
Chief Minister D. D. Lapang to urge the Centre to expedite
the peace process. However, opinion of the state police
was not in favour of starting the peace process with
the outfit and it prevailed upon the Union Ministry
of Home Affairs which delayed the starting of the dialogue.
The outfit eventually backtracked from the process citing
the state government’s permission to the public
sector undertaking, the Uranium Corporation of India
Ltd, for uranium mining at Domiasiat in the West Khasi
Hills district. Again in October 2008, the HNLC rejected
an offer for peace talks by the state government saying
that it has no agenda to hold talks with the state government
or state police department as they are only actors of
the Indian government.
However, compared to other northeastern states, Meghalaya
is quite peaceful. A latest report of the Ministry of
Home Affairs in June 2009 states that Meghalaya, Mizoram
and Tripura are having the lowest insurgency-related
activities in the Northeast.
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