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United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) was formed on
April 7, 1979. Arabinda Rajkhowa is the chairman of
ULFA and Paresh Barua is its commander-in-chief. ULFA
has principally three battalions, the 27th, 28th and
709th. Operating in the background of the popular Assam
agitation (led by the All Assam Students’ Union
or AASU against illegal influx from Bangladesh), the
outfit’s objective was to “liberate Assam
through armed national liberation struggle from the
clutches of the illegal occupation of India” and
to “establish a sovereign independent Assam”.
While the Assam agitation was primarily a movement against
the illegal Bangladeshi migrants in the State, the ULFA
too raised similar concerns, which contributed to its
popularity and acceptability among the common populace.
Till the early 1990s, the ULFA enjoyed popular support
across Assam. However, due to the mindless violent campaign
of the outfit, there has been a major decline in the
support base over the years. While the outfit, over
the years, has moderated its opposition to the Bangladeshi
migrants, it continues to fight the security forces.
ULFA’s influence in the State reached new heights
after Assam Agitation. The outfit’s military prowess
is believed to have increased as a result of its ties
with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak-Muivah
(NSCN-IM), which aided it in terms of securing arms
and providing training to its cadres. The breakdown
of governance in Assam led to the declaration of President’s
Rule in the State and two army operations: Operation
Bajrang (between November 27, 1990 and June 10, 1991)
and Operation Rhino (between September 15, 1991 and
January 13, 1992). The military offensices targeted
the outfit and its facilities within Assam forcing its
leadership to seek refuge in Bangladesh. ULFA was subsequently
patronised by the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI)
of Pakistan and the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence
(DGFI) of Bangladesh. The outfit also maintained camps
in Bhutan till December 2003, when a Bhutanese military
operation dislodged it from those camps. As result of
these operations, about 650 militants, including a majority
of ULFA cadres were neutralized. In 2009, there were
reports of the ULFA setting up a base in China’s
Yunnan province, established by the group’s military
chief Paresh Baruah. A clear indication that ULFA is
starting to get more support from the Chinese front
is to be found in an article in August 2009 published
in the website of the China International Institute
for Strategic Studies (CIISS) by a Chinese strategist
asking Beijing to support ULFA for it to achieve independence
for Assam from India.
In November 2007, the movement of the 28th battalion
of ULFA (the group’s most potent strike unit)
was disrupted in Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland –
a territory used by the ULFA to travel between Assam
and Myanmar. On November 11, the NSCN (IM) carried out
an ambush on ULFA men in transit in Nagaland’s
Mon District and killed two ULFA cadres keeping two
others as hostages thus restricting ULFA’s movement.
This was apparently the result of ULFA’s warmed
up relations with the NSCN (K) – the rival group
of NSCN (IM). ULFA’s earlier partner in terror,
the NSCN (IM) refused any right of movement for ULFA
cadres through Naga territory. However, ULFA’s
route to Bangladesh through Garo Hills of Meghalaya
remained undisrupted.
Strategically, ULFA is linked to the NSCN-K, the NDFB
and the Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO). It shared
a fraternal relationship with the NSCN-IM till 2001.
However, due to the over emphasis of the Naga outfit
on inclusion of areas within Assam in its proposed Nagalim,
such ties have been disrupted. During the early part
of 2007, ULFA formed strategic alliances with small
extremist groups such as the KLNLF and the AANLA. The
violent drive carried out by the KLNLF against the Hindi-speaking
trading community in the Karbi Anglong district in August
2007 was supported by the ULFA and, on several occasions
ULFA cadres were directly involved in the attacks. Again,
ULFA’s support to AANLA, earlier a nascent outfit
with about 50 cadres, has actually transformed it into
a violent group with access to sophisticated arms and
ammunitions.
On June 24, 2008, the Alfa and Charlie companies of
the ULFA's Myanmar-based 28th battalion declared a unilateral
ceasefire and came over-ground seeking a negotiated
settlement to their three-decade-old problem. They declared
that they would have no links with the ULFA and they
would be called as the “pro-talk ULFA faction”.
They also gave up the demand for sovereignty or independence
and said that they want to work towards achieving greater
autonomy for Assam. They also submitted a charter of
demands containing 18 demands to the Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh through Assam's Chief Minister Tarun
Gogoi. The first round of formal talks with the pro-talk
faction of ULFA was held on October 29, 2009 in Guwahati.
The Bravo Company, the sole remaining formation of
the 28th battalion and the three other surviving battalions
(27th battalion, 109th battalion and the 709th battalion)
are still active. ULFA’s 27th battalion is principally
active in the district of Karbi Anglong and has coordinated
its attacks with tribal allies such as the Karbi Longri
North Cachar Hills Liberation Front (KLNLF), active
in Karbi Anglong. Cadres belonging to the 709th battalion
are active in the Kamrup district, north and western
parts of the state.
ULFA’s top leadership is based in Bangladesh,
where the outfit is suspected to maintain several safe
houses and training camps. Indian security agencies
say ULFA’s leadership is engaged in several profit-making
ventures in Bangladesh including shipping and tanneries.
Independent verification of these claims is difficult.
The Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), according
to Indian security agencies, controls the activities
of the ULFA and in the past, several of the outfit’s
functionaries have travelled to Pakistan to receive
arms training and monetary support. Similar cordial
relations exist between the outfit and the Bangladeshi
Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI).
However, after the Awami League formed the Government
in Bangladesh in December 2008, it started taking action
against ULFA and other Indian militant organizations
operating from within its territory. Their efforts bore
fruit towards the end of 2009 with arrests of top leaders
of the ULFA. On November 6, 2009, ULFA's 'foreign secretary'
Sashadhar Choudhury and 'finance secretary' Chitraban
Hazarika were handed over to the Indian authorities.
Within a month of these arrests, on December 2, 2009,
ULFA 'Chairman' Arabinda Rajkhowa and 'Deputy commander-in-chief'
Raju Baruah were arrested in Bangladesh and on December
4 were handed over to the Indian authorities. These
arrests have weakened the outfit to a great extent and
Paresh Baruah, ULFA’s ‘Commander-in-chief’,
is the sole remaining top leader in the outfit. The
level of violence has also come down in the State after
these developments.
The government is now trying to make the ULFA come
for talks, as except Paresh Brauah all of its central
committee members are available for talks. The government
has also indicated that it is ready to hold talks with
the outfit even without the presence of Paresh Baruah.
But the outfit is not ready to hold talks with the government
unless the issue of sovereignty is also discussed.
The National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB) was
originally formed as the Boro Security Force under the
leadership of Ranjan Daimary on October 3, 1986. On
November 25, 1994, the outfit changed its name to NDFB.
The outfit aims at securing a sovereign country for
the Bodo tribals, the largest plains tribe in the state
of Assam, in the areas north of the river Brahmaputra.
The NDFB in October 2004 announced a unilateral ceasefire.
A formal ceasefire agreement between NDFB and the Government
was signed on May 25, 2005.
Internal differences within NDFB, the only surviving
Bodo insurgent group, widened following the expulsion
of its founder president, Ranjan Daimary, alias D.R.
Nabla following accusation of his involvement in the
October 30 serial explosions. On December 15, 2008,
the NDFB replaced Ranjan Daimary, with B. Sungthagra
alias Dhiren Boro, as its new president at a meeting
held in Kokrajhar. A few days later, Daimary was expelled
from the group. The NDFB now has two factions - a pro-talk
faction led by Dhiren Boro (B. Sungthagra alias Dhiren
Boro is the President of the pro-talk group of NDFB
and B. Swmkhwr alias Govinda Basumatary is its General
Secretary) and another hardliner led by Ranjan Daimary
who claims to represent the ‘real’ NDFB.
During it’s hey days, the outfit remained active
in areas in the north and north-west of the river Brahmaputra
in Assam. Districts such as Bongaigaon, Kokrajhar, Barpeta,
Dhubri, Darrang, Nalbari and Sonitpur remained the traditional
stronghold of the outfit. In spite of its espousal of
the interests of the Bodo people, the NDFB remained
bitterly opposed to the other Bodo militant outfit,
the Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT). Several of BLT’s
leaders and civil society organisations empathising
with the BLT were killed by the NDFB.
The December 2003 military crackdown by the Royal
Bhutanese Army dealt a serious blow to the NDFB, which
had strength of about 3500 cadres. As many as 12 camps
of the outfit located in Bhutan were destroyed, impacting
seriously on the capability of the outfit to carry on
with its activities. Following the ceasefire with the
government, NDFB cadres were supposed to stay in three
designated camps. However, only a few currently are
lodged in the camps.
NDFB has close ties with the ULFA and in many cases
they carry out joint operations. It also has relationship
with other outfits in the region like the Achik National
Volunteers Council (ANVC), the Kamatapur Liberation
Organisation (KLO) and the National Socialist Council
of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K).
On May 1, 2008, NDFB submitted a charter of demands
to the Prime Minister. The charter of demands included
sovereignty or independence as the main clause which
created trouble for the talks to begin. However, on
September 30, 2008, NDFB submitted in writing their
decision to hold peace talks within the ambit of the
Indian constitution by giving up its demand for sovereignty
during a meeting in New Delhi with union home ministry
officials. The first round of talks between the Centre
and the pro-talk faction of NDFB was held on September
23, 2009 in New Delhi. The ceasefire is also being periodically
extended, the latest being extended for six months on
December 31, 2009.
The anti-talk faction led by Ranjan Daimari, however,
didn’t show any interest in talks and the outfit
carried on with its disruptive activities. On October
4, 2009, they killed 11 persons and injured 12 others
in an attack in Bhimajuli village at Balisang area under
Biswanath Chariali police station in Sonitpur district.
On December 10, 2009 the cadres of the anti-talk faction
of NDFB triggered two powerful explosions, including
a grenade attack, in two busy markets in Sonitpur district
killing four people and leaving at least 34 people wounded.
The rivalry among the pro-talk and anti-talk factions
also increased resulting in fratricidal killings.
The anti-talk faction of NDFB received a big blow when
its leader Ranjan Daimari was arrested in Bangladesh
and later handed over to Indian authorities on May 1,
2010. During interrogation he confessed that the October
30 serial explosions in Assam that killed about 90 people
and wounded more than 300 people were carried out under
his express instructions. He also said that he is ready
for peace talks and would be able to make his commanders
and cadres surrender if New Delhi was keen for negotiations.
On May 27, 2010, Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI)
personnel arrested four members of anti-talk faction
of NDFB, directly involved in the October 2008 serial
explosions in Assam.
The anti-talk faction of NDFB is still carrying on
its violent activities in the State. On July 8, 2010
the outfit triggered a powerful blast that flung the
locomotive and two coaches of Kolkata-bound Garib Rath
Express from the tracks, killing a six-year-old boy
and injuring 23 others at Gossaigaon in Kokrajhar district.
On 26 July, 2010 it killed four jawans of the Sashastra
Seema Bal and injured two others in an ambush at Amlaiguri
in Chirang district bordering Bhutan. The outfit has
threatened to carry out more such attacks and continue
its fight for Bodoland.
The Karbi National Volunteers (KNV) and Karbi People’s
Front (KPF), two insurgent groups in the Assam hill
district of Karbi Anglong merged together in March 1999
under the leadership of Kiri Rongphar to form the United
People’s Democratic Solidarity (UPDS). At present,
its Chairman is Longder Singner alias H.E. Kathar and
General Secretary is Haren Sing Bey. The outfit aims
at establishing an independent homeland for the Karbi
tribe.
After three years’ of violent insurgency, the
UPDS entered into a cease-fire agreement with New Delhi
on May 23, 2002. While it brought a semblance of order
to the violence-wracked district, it led to a split
in the UPDS, with a large chunk of cadres parting ways
to form the anti-talk faction of the outfit, which was
subsequently named the Karbi Longri North Cachar Hills
Liberation Front (KLNLF). The ceasefire agreement has
been extended periodically, without a single round of
formal dialogue being held.
During its active days, the total cadre strength of
the UPDS was about 150, one third of whom were armed
with sophisticated firearms. The outfit primarily operated
in the Karbi Anglong district. Its cadres, however,
often trespassed into the North Cachar Hills district
of Assam and the Jaintia Hills district of neighbouring
Meghalaya. Majority of the UPDS cadres are presently
stationed in two designated camps located in the Karbi
Anglong district.
Abductions for ransom and extortion constituted the
primary source of finance for the outfit. The outfit’s
extortion net is cast wide on the civilian population,
government employees and the traders in the district.
Farmers in the Block-I and Block-II areas of Meghalaya’s
Jaintia district too were targeted.
UPDS was among many outfits in the Northeast, which
were believed to have grown with the active assistance
of the NSCN-IM. The latter provided the UPDS cadres
with arms and training in return for a portion of the
extortion money collected. In addition, the UPDS also
maintains strategic ties with the NDFB and the ULFA.
Rift over the decision to start formal peace dialogue
with the Government of India led to a split in the UPDS
in 2002, thus creating a pro-talks and anti-talks faction
in the outfit. The anti-talks faction on May 16, 2004
named itself the Karbi Longri North Cachar Hills Liberation
Front (KLNLF). The KLNLF went on to form an armed wing,
the Karbi Longri North Cachar Hills Resistance Force
(KNPR). The KLNLF accuses the UPDS of abandoning the
cause of the Karbi tribe and aims at self-rule/self-determination
of the Karbi people by establishing an independent homeland.
Chairman Pradip Terang alias Pongbi Dilli heads the
KLNLF. Consisting of 200 cadres, the KLNLF has access
to sophisticated arms and explosives. According to security
agencies, the outfit, on behalf of the ULFA, carried
out attacks on the Hindi-speaking population in the
Karbi Anglong district in August 2007.
KLNLF declared unilateral ceasefire for two months
from January 1, 2009 to March 1, 2009. The ceasefire
was again extended for 15 days. But after that, it withdrew
the unilateral ceasefire stating that the Centre was
not interested in initiating talks with it. It had also
submitted an 11-point charter of demands to the Union
Ministry of Home Affairs. Six of these demands were
not accepted.
Extortion constitutes the major source of finance for
the outfit. The outfit, in the past, is known to have
carried out extortion targeting the ginger cultivating
Kuki tribals in the Singhason hill area of Karbi Anglong
district. Among others, who are subjected to KLNLF’s
extortion drive are common populace, government servants
and public sector undertakings including the Cement
Corporation of India. The outfit has also influenced
local politics in the district.
Ties between the KLNLF and the NSCN-IM, that started
since the bulk of the former’s cadres belonged
to the UPDS, continue even today. On October 13, 2007,
a joint camp of the NSCN-IM and KLNLF inside Kaki Reserve
Forest area in the Karbi Anglong district was neutralised
by the security forces. The outfit, in its manifesto,
speaks of making common cause with “the militant
and democratic movement of Indigenous people as well
as the oppressed Nations & National minorities of
North-East which are aiming at emancipation from the
oppressive and exploitive system of India”. Strategic
ties exist between the KLNLF, ULFA and the NDFB.
On November 27, 2009, KLNLF announced unilateral cease-fire
for three months, from December 1, 2009 till March 1,
2010. On February 11, 2010, 412 cadres of KLNLF laid
down their arms in front of the authorities at Diphu,
district headquarter of Karbi Anglong. The first round
of talks with the government after laying down arms
took place on May 7, 2010 at Guwahati. The KLNLF has
now formed a six-member special committee to prepare
its demand charter, which would be submitted in the
next round of tripartite talks.
The Dima Halam Daogah (DHD) was formed following the
1995 en masse surrender of the Dimasa National Security
Force (DNSF). Commander-in-Chief Jewel Garlossa of the
DNSF parted ways with majority of his cadres and leaders
and went on to form the DHD with an avowed objective
of establishing a separate State for the Dimasa tribe
in the North Cachar Hills (NC Hills) and Karbi Anglong
districts of Assam and parts of Dimapur district in
Nagaland.
In 2003, however, Jewel Garlossa left the DHD to form
another outfit, the Black Widow. Since then, the DHD
is led by Pranab Nunisa who is the designated president
of the outfit and Dilip Nunisa, who is the Chairman.
Garlossa’s move was guided by his opposition to
the outfit’s 1 January 2003 ceasefire agreement
with the government. Since then, both factions have
clashed amongst each other in a bid to increase their
area of influence.
DHD, on the other hand, continues to maintain the ceasefire
agreement with the government and most of its estimated
500 cadres are located within the designated camps set
up for the purpose. From August 10, 2009 onwards, its
cadres started depositing arms in accordance with the
revised ground rules at its designated camp in Maibong.
Formal talks with the government, however, are yet to
begin.
Despite the ceasefire agreement, the DHD continues
to extort civilians, public servants and most importantly
the tea gardens in the areas under its influence, i.e.
NC Hills district, Cachar district, pockets of Karbi
Anglong and Nagaon district.
The DHD, in its initial days was reportedly assisted
by the NSCN-IM which provided it with arms and trained
its cadres in return for money. Both, however, parted
ways after the NSCN-IM insisted on the inclusion of
the proposed Dimasa homeland within its dream territory,
Nagalim. The DHD in turn asked for Dimapur to be included
in its Dimaraji (homeland for the Dimasas). Tactical
understanding also existed between DHD, the NDFB and
the ULFA.
Former DNSF and DHD chief Jewel Garlossa formed the
Black Widow in 2003, after leaving the DHD, in opposition
to the outfit’s 1 January 2003 ceasefire with
New Delhi. Cadre strength of the DHD-J is estimated
to be around 200, a half of whom are believed to be
armed with AK series rifles and a handful of Rocket
Propelled Grenade launchers.
The DHD-J’s writ runs large in the N.C. Hills
district. Activities of the outfit have also been noticed
in the Karbi Anglong and Nagaon district. The DHD-J
cadres have constantly clashed with their rival DHD-N
cadres and several deaths have been reported in such
clashes.
Moreover, in its area of influence, the DHD-J is engaged
in large-scale extortion, targeting the civilian population,
government employees, infrastructure building agencies
as well as tea gardens. Vehicles passing through the
region, too, have been targeted for extortion. Cases
of burning of vehicles for non-compliance have also
been reported. It has also charged huge amounts of money
from the developmental projects going on in the region
like the construction of the broad gauge railway line
and the National Highway under the East-West corridor
project. The outfit also targets political parties in
the NC Hills district for fund collection and more often
than not, such demands have been fulfilled. The arrest
of Mohit Hojai, the chief executive member of N.C.Hills
autonomous council, for allegedly supplying funds to
DHD-J is an example of this. It also brings to light
a militant-politician nexus. The outfit is also said
to have a role in the ethnic clashes going on between
the Dimasas and the Zeme Nagas in N.C. Hills.
The NSCN-IM, which severed its ties with the DHD-N,
found an able ally in the DHD-J, which allows the former
to maintain its influence in the districts of Assam
such as NC Hills and Karbi Anglong. The NSCN- IM is
suspected to have armed and trained the DHD-J cadres.
Many of the DHD-J cadres have also found shelter in
the NSCN-IM facilities in Dimapur. In return, the DHD-J
shares its extortion booty with the Naga outfit.
On June 4, 2009, DHD-J chairman Jewel Garlossa was
arrested in Bangalore with two of his aides. After his
arrest, DHD-J announced a unilateral ceasefire for three
months from their side. On July 2, 2009, DHD-J was banned
under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1965.
After these developments, DHD-J showed interest in coming
for talks. On October 2, 2009, 382 cadres of DHD-J laid
down their arms in front of the authorities at Haflong,
headquarter of NC Hills district.
In November 2009, the National Investigation Agency
(NIA), which is probing the alleged diversion of funds
of the North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council to the
DHD-J, charge-sheeted the outfit’s 'chief' Jewel
Garlossa and 'commander-in-chief' Niranjan Hojai. While
Jewel Garlossa is still in judicial custody, Niranjan
Hojai went missing after he was charge sheeted. He was
arrested from Nepal on July 2 and is now being interrogated
by the NIA.
The All Adivasi National Liberation Army (AANLA) was
formed in 2004 in the Singhashan hills of Karbi Anglong
under the leadership of Nirmal Tirkey, alias David Tirkey,
with the aim of protecting the interests of the people
belonging to the Adivasi community and to put pressure
on the government to grant the status of Scheduled Tribes
to the Adivasi community in Assam. The General Secretary
of the outfit is Richard Tirkey.
AANLA is now believed to have cadre strength of less
than a hundred, mostly in Karbi Anglong, Golaghat and
Jorhat districts. It also has presence in the eastern
tea-growing districts of Sivasagar, Dibrugarh and Tinsukia,
riding on the Adivasi sentiments over the issue of scheduled
tribe (ST) status to the community.
AANLA leader Nirmal Tirkey was arrested on December
7, 2008 in Jharkhand. On February 1, 2009, its 20 top
leaders, including its chief commander Sanjay Lakra
alias Biren Gaur, surrendered before the Army. On May
14, 2009, Richard Tirkey was arrested from Bokajan in
Karbi Anglong district. Weapons available with them
include AK series Rifles, carbines, pistols, .38 revolvers,
grenade launchers, SLRs etc. Some of its cadres are
trained to assemble Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs)
and the outfit is believed to be in possession of sophisticated
explosive material also.
AANLA started its terror run by kidnapping wealthy
members from within the community, including businessmen
and relatives of some Zila Parishad members and an executive
member of the Karbi Anglong Autonomous District Council.
It has been involved in a few bomb blasts, including
a blast carried on in the Rajdhani express on December
13, 2007. The outfit is also believed to be behind the
street riots that took place in Beltola area in Guwahati
on November 24, 2007 during an Adivasi protest march.
During the initial days after its formation, the AANLA
received patronage from the Kuki Revolutionary Army
(KRA), active in Karbi Anglong district. Later, the
Isak-Muivah faction of the National Socialist Council
of Nagaland (NSCM-IM) had taken AANLA under its wings.
The police in Assam say there is a written agreement
between the AANLA and the NSCN-IM about carrying out
joint operations against security forces if need be,
and about not carrying out extortion in each others’
areas of influence without prior notice.
The Muslim United Liberation Tigers
of Assam (MULTA) was formed in the year 1996. It seeks
to mobilise the Muslim youth in Assam to fight for the
cause of Muslims. It has also been carrying out a propaganda
campaign in support of a separate "Islamic homeland,"
which, they envision, would be a society based on Islamic
values and morals.
MULTA has linkages with NSCN-IM
and their cadres had been trained by the Naga group.
It has also established close ties with the ULFA and
there have been reports of some ULFA militants working
as agents of MULTA. The outfit also has extensive links
with Islamic jihadi groups in Bangladesh like the Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami
(HUJI-B), Pakistan’s ISI operating in Bangladesh,
and the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI),
the Bangladeshi intelligence agency.
Activities of MULTA have been reported
from Dhubri, Nagaon, Morigaon and Darrang districts
of Assam, with maximum reports coming from the Dhubri
district. The MULTA militants use the passage along
the International border in the Golokganj area of Dhubri
district as a route to infiltrate into the State from
Bangladesh.
The main activities of the outfit
are extortions, murders, abductions and illegal arms
manufacture and trade. The outfit, allegedly at the
behest of the ISI, has also plans to create communal
disturbances in Assam. The arrest of quite a few number
of MULTA militants in Assam during the last few years
indicate their increasing presence in the northeastern
region.
Adivasi Cobra Militant Force (ACMF)
was formed in the late 1990s with the objective of protecting
the Adivasi people of western Assam through an armed
revolution. The outfit has its presence in the Kokrajhar
and Bongaigaon districts of Assam. The commander of
the organization is Durga Minz and the chairman is Xabrias
Khakha.
On September 9, 2001, the outfit
signed a cease-fire agreement with the government of
India and the ceasefire has been periodically extended
since then, with no peace talks taking place.
The Birsa Commando Force (BCF)
was formed in 1997 with demands for a separate Adivasi
land, Scheduled Tribe (ST) status for the Adivasis and
security for the Adivasi community. Birsingh Munda is
the commander-in-chief of the BCF. The outfit signed
a ceasefire agreement with the government in August
14, 2004 and has been in ceasefire since then.
The Sentinel reported that a new militant outfit, identified
as Bodoland Royal Tigers Force, has been formed in the
Bodoland area on March 29, 2008.
Asom Lion Force, a new militant outfit, is reportedly
formed on July 9, 2007 by some youths belonging to all
Northeastern states in Karbi Anglong district. Aniruddha
Barphukan, a self-styled secretary of the outfit, in
a statement said the group had been formed to "further
strengthen" the liberation movement in the North
East. Barphukan has demanded an immediate halt on all
"occupational and allied activities" by the
Government and called upon the people to boycott all
Indian functions and honour their own culture.
A new outfit called the United
Democratic Liberation Front of Barak Valley (UDLFBV)
was formed after the Panchram Apeto led United Liberation
Front of Barak Valley (ULFBV) surrendered before the
Assam Government in September 2008. The ULFBV was formed
in 2002 and was operating in the Karimganj and Hailakandi
districts of Assam.
Rabha Viper Army was supposedly formed with the support
of the ULFA in 2008. It has some influence in the Goalpara
district of Assam. It was involved in a few kidnappings
and extortion activities in the district.
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